Now that Antonio Trillanes IV has been proclaimed as a Senator of the Republic (I like how that sounds, grand), it is time to assess and think about the phenomenon that is Trillanes.

Mr. Trillanes came into limelight through infamous means. Several members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, led by Army Capt. Gerardo Gambala and Navy Lt. Antonio Trillanes IV took over the posh Oakwood Premier in Makati, which is now widely known as Oakwood Mutiny. It failed after 18 hours, all were captured and charged in civil and military courts, and little was done to address the legitimate grievances aired by the Magdalo soldiers. Half of the soldiers were released from prison after most of the leaders apologized. Trillanes was the one of the hardliners.

The Feliciano Commission was formed to investigate the mutiny. Its two major findings: it was a planned action, and the grievances aired were legitimate. It also found that the grievance mechanisms of the AFP to be ineffective.

Two years after Oakwood, a vindication of sorts happened when the AFP General Court Martial found Maj. Gen. Carlos F. Garcia guilty of corruption. His plunder case is currently pending at the Sandiganbayan.

Four years after the Oakwood Mutiny, Trillanes is now a Senator of the Republic, with 11 million Filipinos voting for him. His election raises a lot of questions and criticisms.

One, some quarters condemn the choice by the voters; they say that the vote gives the notion that mutiny is OK, that mutineers are being rewarded instead of punished, that the vote sets a bad precedent and will encourage more military adventurism. The simple answer is this: non sequitur. It does not necessarily follow.

Two, what happens now to his civil and military cases? Anthony Taberna of ABS-CBN made a valid point. In a criminal case, the complainant is the people of the Philippines, as in People of the Philippines versus Antonio Trillanes IV. Isn’t his election a virtual absolution? That the people as complainants dropped the case against him by electing him as a senator? If you believe a person as a criminal, you don’t put him in an elected position. And so, the people dropped its role as complainant and instead acted as the jury.

The military case is complicated at face value, but if you read Article II, Section 3, it is very simple. But Hermogenes Esperon still cannot accept the fact that the people have spoken. He even said this (on the matter of allowing Trillanes to attend Senate sessions):

“There’s no such thing as bail in the military,” Esperon said. “If we disregard the Articles of War, then we might as well forget discipline in the armed forces. Let’s forget that we have an army.”

He really needs some Brain Age training.

Three, shall we just sweep what he did under the rug? Now, I will love and relish saying this. If you are pro-Gloria Arroyo, anti-opposition, pro-status quo, pro-move on, I say this to you: move on. There’s no use dwelling in the past. Ha ha ha! Take that!

Anyway, I myself do not approve of the means that he took to make his point. But I come to think of it, he might have made the right move. Afterall, he went directly to Gloria Arroyo, but nothing came out of it. So the chain of command is unresponsive to change. What if they went to the media, as one broadcaster back then asked the Magdalo people? Here’s what I had posted in my personal blog on that day:

Take what Karen Davila said when she interviewed Lt. Senior Grade Trillanes (the spokesman of the Magdalo). The Magdalo insists on its action because it was the only way. “Bakit di kayo lumapit sa media?” “After your scoop, what would happen to us? Can you protect us? After your scoop, we would be gone, court-martialed, but would there be any positive results?” Ms. Davila failed to counter that. By trying to force her opinion, she only made herself ridiculous.

I guess, there are times when the ends justify the means. If the proper and legal mechanisms were working, the Oakwood Mutiny might have not happened. Alas, like in January of 2001, the rule of law became rule by law.

Anyway, a lot of things have happened that seemed to vindicate Antonio Trillanes IV. His election is just one of them.

His election is a vindication, for the vote validates his advocacies and message.

His election is a sign that the people agree with what he had said before.

His election is a slap to Gloria Arroyo and the AFP’s chain of command.

—

Did you vote for Sonny Trillanes? Why?

As the district schools supervisor, he was in charge of the members of the Board of Election Inspectors in a poor province in Mindanao. Since he is about to retire, he chose not to serve this time; he just supervised the teachers who were members of the Board.

In a certain town, teachers under his supervision alleged that no elections took place. They were forced to fill up the ballots with names of candidates affiliated with the current dispensation. These teachers were courageous enough to get the news out.

With the culture that is pervasive in the province, where going against the elder’s command is almost a crime, these teachers knew their lives are in danger. For that, their courage is admirable. Their courage would probably be just another footnote in the history of that province, but the province is not an ordinary one, so to speak.

The province has been in the media spotlight since the 2004 elections. With the elections director for the province involved in a wiretapping scandal, many doubted whether the results would be credible. With poll watch groups claiming that they were barred from election precints and canvassing centers, the problems were just beginning to mount.

And when the purported results pointed to a sweep by the team affiliated with the current dispensation, everything began to fall apart. The election operators were desperate to prove that nothing irregular happened, and they are even asking BEI members to sign affidavits to prove that no fraud happened. The district supervisor refused to sign. The refusal was to be his death warrant.

Classes in the primary and secondary levels had started. The district supervisor was in a Madrasah (Islamic school) at another province Saturday night, eating his dinner. The light went out, shots were heard, and he was dead.

And that is how justice is served in this country.

Musa Demasidsing is just one statistic for the Commission on Elections, the Philippine National Police, and the Fortress by the Pasig. Nothing would probably come out of his death, like those unsolved murders of yore. His death is probably a simple murder, relegated to the provincial news in a national paper, if not for the circumstance leading to his death.

His death is a warning to those who will testify against poll fraud. The truth shall set you free, hence it must be killed.

His death is a sign of what is wrong with this country. As our concept of civic-consciousness dies because we tend to think by the stomach, this death is just that – a death. We no longer rage at the evil of murder, we no longer rage at poll cheaters, we no longer care at all.

And because of that, his death might be in vain.

“Good men, the last wave by, crying how bright
Their frail deeds might have danced in a green bay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.”
-Dylan Thomas, Do not go gentle into that good night

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I just find it sad that while googling for his name, I only found two entries: as in Google gave me two entries only:

(In response to Tingog.com’s writing project.)

Article II, Section 3 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution states:

Civilian authority is, at all times, supreme over the military. The Armed Forces of the Philippines is the protector of the people and the State. Its goal is to secure the sovereignty of the State and the integrity of the national territory.

Based on that provision, the primary duty of a soldier is to protect the people. So every time that a person is forcibly taken by any armed group, when the New People’s Army has overtaken a barrio, when rogue elements of the AFP do their crimes with impunity, the AFP and every soldier fail in their duty.

—

There’s this poem about loyalty that is being bandied by the military:

If you work for a man in Heaven’s name work for him;
speak well of him and stand by the institution he represents.
Remember an ounce of loyalty is worth a pound of cleverness.
If you must growl or condemn and constantly find fault, resign your position,
and when you are on the outside damn to your heart’s content.

But as long as you are a part of the institution, don’t condemn it.
If you do, the first high wind that comes along will blow you away.
And probably, you’ll never know why.

The reason I don’t believe in this poem is that it implies that loyalty trumps accountability.